“Working seamlessly with the government” has been the primary selling point of Pol Gen Pongsapat Pongcharoen’s campaign since Jan. 15 – the date on which he plunged into the gubernatorial race on the Pheu Thai Party ticket. Triumph in the March 3 election, however, will demand more than just an ability to remain on board with the central government’s rhetoric. Gen Pongsapat will actually have to persuade skeptical Bangkok residents that he is the man for the job. And winning will mean more than just a defeat of Pheu Thai’s archenemy Democrats – it will signify the first time a Thaksinite party controls both the central government and the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration at the same time.
Seamless From the Start
“Please give a round of applause to Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra,” Pongsapat eagerly shouted, indicating the PM with an outstretched hand. “If Yingluck wasn’t the PM today, I wouldn’t have been on this stage.”
Pongsapat employed the above sentences [“used those lines”] to address his supporters at the party’s headquarters on Petchaburi Road on Jan. 15, only minutes after he had officially taken up the Pheu Thai mantle. The 57-year-old veteran cop, who was due to retire in 2016, decided to relinquish his dual positions as Deputy Police Chief and Secretary-General of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board in order to enter politics.
Pongsapat has plenty of valid reasons for effusively praising the Prime Minister. Since October, rumors circulated that he was to be the handpicked choice of Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s older brother and a two-term ex-PM, to represent the party in the race for the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) top job.
The Shinawatras’ deep trust in Pongsapat dates back to the Thaksin regime, which began in 2001 and prematurely ended in 2006, due to a military coup. In 2003, Pongsapat – then the Commissioner Attached to the Office of Commissioner General of the Royal Thai Police – was tasked with coordinating between the Ministry of the Interior and the Prime Minister’s Office, affording him a chance to work closely with Thaksin.
In fact, Pongsapat and Thaksin share very similar academic upbringings, attending the same schools at nearly the same time. They both went to the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School (Thaksin: 10th class, Pongsapat: 15th) and the Royal Police Cadet Academy (Thaksin: 26th class, Pongsapat: 31st ), consistently finishing at the top of their respective classes. Both men earned Royal Thai Government scholarships to pursue higher education in America. Thaksin obtained a Master’s degree in Criminal Justice from Eastern Kentucky University while Pongsapat grabbed one in Criminology from the University of Alabama Birmingham. And they were both awarded a Doctorate in Criminal Justice at Sam Houston State University in Texas.
The postgraduate Pongsapat, however, hewed closer to his career as a police officer than the super ambitious Thaksin. Pongsapat took on work as an agent at the Office of the Deputy Commissioner General (Crime Suppression 1) and continued building up his law enforcement career for almost three decades.
Lovable Judy
“Judy” is the official nickname given to him by his parents. But over the past several years he has been referred to more often as “The Khaki Star,” or the “Celebrity Policeman,” with the latter sobriquet attributable to frequent onscreen appearances during his five terms as Police Spokesperson.
In 2010, the Crime Reporter and Photographer Association of Thailand named Pongsapat “The Most Popular Police Officer,” a prize that acknowledged his contributions to the poor. In February of that same year, Pongsapat saved Nuannoi Timkul – founder of the Baan Kru Noi charity home for underprivileged children – from serious debt trouble associated with loan sharks. In just three weeks, Pongsapat raised over THB3 million in donations to repay Nuannoi’s creditors and keep the charity home running. And in August 2010, Pongsapat offered to cover the THB100,000 fine incurred by secondhand VCD vendor Somchai Nanthawanit. Somchai had been jailed because of his inability to pay this amount, which was levied onto him after he was arrested for selling the discs without a license. Despite the irony of this generosity (Somchai was breaking the law, Pongsapat is a police officer), some members of the public applauded Pongsapat’s initiative, seeing it as a symbolic affront to an unjust policy.
Despite Pongsapat’s lack of experience in electoral politics, his charisma came in handy when the time came for Pheu Thai to settle on a nominee for Bangkok’s governorship. For months prior to the announcement of an official candidate, several names were being thrown around as potential contenders, most notably two former gubernatorial candidates – Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan and Paveena Hongsakul.
“The politician element was not an important factor in this election,” stated Phumtham Wechayachai, Pheu Thai’s Secretary-General and Election Campaign Director. “It doesn’t mean that only politicians could fit the job. The position involves more administration work than policymaking.”
Phumtham’s statement reflects why the Pheu Thai Party overlooked the high-profile gubernatorial contenders and took the amateur politician Pongsapat onboard. More significantly, Pongsapat’s charm is viewed as crucial to the governor’s position. While the job title entails little actual authority and a limited budget, the governor is nonetheless the public face of the city and often winds up shouldering the blame for anything imaginable that happens within Bangkok’s 1,568-square-kilometer radius.
Take, for instance, a broken water main. When a busy road is flooded, people typically seek help from, and likely point their fingers at, the BMA, unaware of the fact that the Metropolitan Waterworks Authority (MWA) is under the Ministry of Interior. The BMA can only point out the urgency of the situation to the MWA, while in the meantime heading off phone calls from angry citizens. Hence, who would be better suited to the BMA’s top job than a gentle go-between?
Pheu Thai’s Bet On Pongsapat
Over the past four years, the Pheu Thai central government has driven down a bumpy road, paved with incessant barriers to communication with Democrat governor Sukhumbhand Paribatra. This acrimony was most evident during the 2011 floods. While 36 of Bangkok’s 50 districts combatted rising floodwaters, the national government and Sukhumbhand’s BMA engaged in a nasty PR cold war, seeking to pin the blame on one another at the expense of helping distressed citizens.
In addition to political cooperation in the midst of a potential crisis, Yingluck’s government is also in dire need of shared enthusiasm from the BMA in order to advance two humongous, multibillion-baht projects.
The government is pushing through the water resources management and flood control project as its first major public works initiative of 2013. The project budget of THB350 billion – of which some THB99 billion is being spent in the next 10 months – covers measures to ease and prevent flooding, draught and any other natural disasters throughout Thailand.
Yingluck is also pushing the Transport Ministry to move quickly in implementing 10 mass-transit projects covering 464 kilometers in and around Bangkok. These projects have emerged in accordance with the government’s proposal to build a high-speed rail system in Thailand, bolstering the country’s reputation as a core of regional connectivity by linking Bangkok to neighboring countries.
“If the government and the BMA do not have the same perspective, the projects will likely be subjected to delays,” said Phumtham.
Against this high-stakes backdrop, Yingluck has invested a lot of her own political capital in supporting the Pongsapat campaign over the past two months. She has coached him on how to woo voters, accompanied him in citywide rallies and even devoted her personal vehicle to supplement his campaign parade. The extensive degree of public support Pongsapat has received from both the Prime Minister and other higher ups within Pheu Thai indicates just how important control of the BMA is to the party.
Big Dreams for the Big Mango
In order to carve out a winning coalition amongst Bangkok’s 4.2 million eligible voters on the March 3 election, the No. 9 candidate has laid out tons of mega-projects which he claims will better the lives of ordinary Bangkokians.
I was in the audience on Feb. 13, when Pongsapat presented his full slate of transport proposals at the party headquarters’ conference hall. Holding a copy of the four-page press release, I skimmed through his two main strategies, 11 sub-strategies and many other small tactics.
Pongsapat’s holistic traffic relief approaches are primarily aimed at linking up all means of public transportation and, subsequently, reducing commute times by 20 to 30%. Looking more closely at his proposals, a variety of fancy words caught my eye. Pongsapat is proposing everything from high-investment projects such as monorails, light rails, tramways and bike lanes to software upgrades including a GPS bus tracking system, feeder system and Intelligent Traffic system.
I swept my eyes over the bottom of a page and discovered a remark that read, “Everything will be carried out immediately, following a thorough environmental assessment.” Then I looked up, to where Pongsapat was laying out his plan.
“I will cooperate with the government to use the area in the middle of Ratchapruk Road as the base for the construction of the 7.5-kilometer-long BTS extension line from Bangwa Station to Rachachonnanee Road,” he said, while narrating an onscreen presentation.
“My second plan is to complete the 17-kilometer-long BTS extension line from Bearing Station to Bangpu, Samut Prakan,” he continued, “and my third plan is to complete the 12-kilometer-long BTS extension line from Chatuchak Station to Sapanmai-Lamlukka.”
In merely 60 seconds, he stunned me with three enticing BTS extension lines, repeating the promises for emphasis again later on in his talk. He has seemingly applied this time-is-of-the-essence attitude to many of his other transportation ideas as well.
“I will improve the Saen Saeb express boats’ quality,” Pongsapat promised on Jan. 25. “Saen Seab boats will not differ from BTS train cars.”
Pongsapat vowed to offer free express boat rides on the polluted canal, along with free bus service throughout Bangkok, a THB10 flat fee for air-conditioned bus travel, and a THB20 flat fee for all BTS rides.
“I am convinced that it can come true, with an annual budget of THB9 billion,” he insisted.
Sure, these transportation dreams could very well come true, as Pongsapat claims, but “when” remains a mystery. Take a step back and look at the broader picture: It is not tough to discover that his policies go beyond the jurisdiction of the BMA. Pongsapat must get an approval from the Bangkok Mass Transit Authority in order to provide free bus services, and consult with the Mass Rapid Transit Authority of Thailand (which approves new train lines) and the Bangkok Mass Transit System Public Company (which runs the BTS) before forging ahead with the construction of any of these rail projects. Confused yet?
Furthermore, the BMA’s 2013 budget of around THB60 billion has been allocated to all departments and districts since last September. To keep his promises, Pongsapat would be obliged to submit a special request to the BMA’s legislative arm, the Bangkok Metropolitan Council, asking them to make advance payments to fulfill his schemes. Under this year’s budget plan, the BMA’s Department of Environment receives the biggest chunk of THB6 billion, which is just two-thirds of the amount Pongsapat intends to fund his bus, boat and train subsidies.
“Working seamlessly with the government will develop Bangkok to an extent we would never dream of,” he stated. This may indeed be the logic underlying Pongsapat’s brash confidence, but it only raises more concerns for Bangkokians who question the practicality of his policies.
Ultimate Test for Pheu Thai Phobia
Many polls back the idea that Pongsapat is gaining the upper hand in the race for Bangkok’s governorship. The aforementioned traffic relief policies may be a key component in this upsurge.
If Pongsapat wins, it would be the Pheu Thai Party’s first major victory in Bangkok politics during the post-Thaksin era. Given the pervasive level of hostility to Thaksin within the capitol area, the election serves as a meaningful litmus test as to whether or not Bangkok residents have recovered from the so-called “phobia of the Pheu Thai Party.”
The phobia comes in various forms and is associated with different events or feelings. Many voters fear the prospect of Pheu Thai monopolizing the entire political system within the Kingdom. On Facebook and other social media it is common to stumble upon status updates by Sukhumbhand proponents calling for voters to back the Democrat Party as a means of balancing out the political influence of the two parties.
The “phobia” may also be tied to the widespread destruction of property, highlighted by the torching of Central World shopping mall, which occurred during the Red Shirt anti-government movement in May 2010. Horrified Bangkok residents, some of whom were forced to hide inside their residences or evacuate to safer locations, accused the Red Shirt leaders of fomenting the tragic incident. Some of those same leaders are Pheu Thai members and serve as ministers in the Yingluck-led government.
Policy-wise, educated urbanites are reluctant to lend their support toward Mr Pongsapat out of concern that he would bombard them with unnecessary populist policies. Many wealthy Bangkokians blame the significant uptick in traffic congestion on the central government’s first-car rebate scheme. The THB300 wage hike policy and the THB15,000 civil servant salary policy have also stirred widespread debate among Bangkok residents over the past year.
There are a lot of reasons why once-hesitant Bangkokians may cast their ballot for Pongsapat come election time. The “phobia” associated with voting Pheu Thai may finally be dissipating and many voters are enticed by his proposals for addressing the traffic issue. After years of contentious relations between the Democrat-run BMA and the national government, voters could find Pongsapat’s slogan of “working seamlessly with the government” to be quite appealing as well. The past four years have been a turbulent time in the city and many voters may simply be unimpressed with Sukhumband’s performance and looking for something new.
“Yes, I will definitely choose Pongsapat,” a middle-aged taxi driver told me after taking me in from Siam Center, Pongsapat’s final destination during the day of campaigning during which I followed him around.
“Sukhumbhand sucked. I haven’t seen any concrete developments during his term,” the man added.
Whatever the case may be, it looks increasingly likely that less than one week from now Bangkok will see the first ever Pheu Thai governor ascend to office.
Coconuts TV and Praj Kiatpongsan spent a day following Pongsapat on the campaign trail. Check out the video below.
